From:
A week after the thirty-three hour-long Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) mutiny ended, there is still no clear picture emerging. While the death count of the tragedy continues to rise, rumours and conspiracy theories swirl around Dhaka and New Delhi. While it may be too early to explain the crisis completely, some immediate implications are becoming clear.
First, one can put the fears of many Awami League sympathisers to rest: it seems the mutiny has only made the newly elected government stronger. Its calm, rational but firm response has won it praise. Commendably, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was able to rally the entire country, including her bitter political rivals, behind her. In addition, her address to the nation during the mutiny, which is being credited as the turning point in the crisis, brought her out in the best possible light. Several other factors have worked in favour of the government, including convincing the public that the mutiny was largely the armed forces’ mess, and not the civilian government’s.
More than a few observers have wondered aloud if there was a political conspiracy behind the mutiny, aimed at weakening the government. Even if this unlikely possibility were true, it seems like the conspiracy has backfired.
Internationally, however, the mutiny will have a major adverse impact. The mutiny has definitely cut short the honeymoon period that newly democratic Bangladesh was enjoying worldwide. With the world watching as tanks rolled down the streets of Dhaka, the fears of instability have come rushing back. For Hasina, the task of attracting more foreign investment has just become doubly difficult — and with a recession looming, too.
Moreover, for its South Asian neighbours, especially India, concern grows to incorporate the regional security perspective. Given the state of affairs in the BDR, isn’t there a possibility of other indiscretions by the service? The obedience of the Bangladesh military and paramilitary forces has been brought into question before. There have even been allegations that factions of the armed forces have been giving active support to Islamist militants including the Al Qaeda-linked HUJI. Though these allegations should be taken with a pinch of salt, questions do loom larger given the current state of discipline in the forces. After the matter is finally resolved, the Bangladesh government should provide the region with assurances of the BDR’s integrity in this matter.
As for the BDR itself, it is unlikely that their demands will be met anytime soon. After their surrender to the army they’re in a much worse bargaining position than before. One of the most prominent demands by the mutinous BDR men had been to remove Army-deputed officers from the BDR and allow recruitment of their own officers. However, the fear of another mutiny will, if anything, bring the BDR further under the army’s thumb. Of course, given the killings of senior army officers and the endangerment of their families, it is unlikely that the army will forgive the BDR anytime soon. The days ahead are likely to witness several administrative actions that leave the force weaker than before. There has already been talk of disbanding it or changing its name.
Many hope that the crisis will force the Bangladesh armed forces to institute much-needed reforms. However, such reforms can’t be expected to come from within the army itself. A more likely eventuality is that the army uses several stop-gap measures — like administrative transfers and sterner control over BDR NCOs — to prevent the tragedy from repeating.
Though the government managed creditably during the crisis, wrapping up the situation will require much more tact. In the past days there have been several mentions, in hushed voices, that one of the major reasons for mutiny lay not in pay issues but somewhere else. There has been talk, for example, of disputes between NCOs and officers over the distribution of profits generated by corruption in the force. In reports buried in the avalanche of news about the mutiny was a mention of crores of takas from illicit activities of some BDR soldiers being a significant factor in the mutiny.
If this set of claims hold any truth, which is very possible, any significant investigation is likely to open a can of worms no one wants to see. Depending on the civilian government’s strength vis-a-vis the army, the Hasina government has two courses to choose from. Either the government can probe deeper into the matter, making it potentially an embarrassment for the army, and thus weakening its position. Or it can follow the age-old tradition of burying the matter in investigations and commissions until the public forgets.
Though it is too early to say, from the looks of it the government is choosing the second option. From its recent statements it seems the Awami League is hoping to gain as much as it can from the crisis, by projecting the mutiny as a as part of a deep-seated conspiracy against Bangladesh’s democracy. No prizes for guessing that the conspirators are ‘foreign elements’ or the government’s political opponents.
Showing posts with label BDR. Show all posts
Showing posts with label BDR. Show all posts
Monday, March 9, 2009
Monday, March 2, 2009
A few more questions from retired army officer on BDR tragedy
The following is an assessment of a retired army officer after consulting with his colleagues in Bangladesh Army. From:
Following the worst mayhem in BDR few questions automatically emerges in ones conscious mind. There are really pricking my mind.
1. After repeated SOS call and urge for life from the highest authority of the country why no military actions were taken to rescue them having so many combat capabilities and options of our armed forces? It is sad the incident took place only within 20 kms of the Cantonment yet, no help was received.
2. How Mr Jahangir Kabir Nanak who was allegedly known as conspirator and known as ‘Gun Powder’ following the BRTC bus scandal, was selected for negotiations to the rebellers? Is he specially qualified to deal with terrorist? His LGRD portfolio has any connection with this at all ?
3. Mr Nanak could get inside of BDR HQ so confidently when inside was a hot tub. All the soldiers were carrying the arms and firing, but those went inside without fear. They did not put on bullet proof vests/helmets.?
4. Who arranged the access to the rebellion to the media? Who propagated the rumors against officers?
5. Were the professional killer group involved in disguise of BDR dress? Some of the activities of killing, looting is heard to believe to be done by soldiers. Some even snatched watch, money bag after killing.
6. From where those civilians came and chanting for the soldiers outside the BDR gate, though later they were driven off by the police/RAB, and it was reported that some of those are in active politics locally.
7. Only 100 or so could be apprehended while fleeing, but how about those who left well before, might be in 1st night. Six thousand of them could flee when Pilkhana was cordoned my forces other than army. Army was told to go three km away.
8. Who ordered the complete black out that night and under that cover many could flee ?
9. Why the amnesty was declared so quickly without releasing the officers and their families?
10. How the troops were allowed to meet prime minister putting on red scarf on their head without belt and beret. Obviously they belong to an organised force and they were going to meet the highest authority?
11. Why they were not checked and no record were kept including their name and details ?
12. Why so much of time was given in the whole process, allowing them sufficient time to do the atrocities as well as to finish the unfinished task?
13. How many arms and ammunition which went outside the HQ?
14. Why the govt could not cordon the whole area by RAB/police to prevent the fleeing of the perpetrators?
15. What were the issues discussed with meeting with Prime Minister? Did officers’ release got any importance? We only heard about complain and silly demand which had nothing to do with officers killed.
16. Bangladesh army has fought in many countries under such situation? Why there were not allowed to plan and do their own operation? Whom we protected by referring to do any covert commando operation? What one would do in case of plane hijack?
17. Should we not find the stories how the rest dead bodies were hidden/ destroyed? The answer of these stories may onlybe known to those rebel BDR soldiers only.
18. Why commando operation even at night was not carried out? Whose life was important to save, the unarmed officers or the killers?
19. Why to have those APCs and tanks bought with costly money of the taxpayer, if those are not utilized to save the best son of the country?
20. Was there any clue from DGFI? Prime minister get a briefing every morning from DGFI and NSI? They have nothing to report? If they failed why government is not charging them now?
21. For such intelligence failure DG and NSI should have been sacked? Why government was so silent about them or they were also part of the game?
Following the worst mayhem in BDR few questions automatically emerges in ones conscious mind. There are really pricking my mind.
1. After repeated SOS call and urge for life from the highest authority of the country why no military actions were taken to rescue them having so many combat capabilities and options of our armed forces? It is sad the incident took place only within 20 kms of the Cantonment yet, no help was received.
2. How Mr Jahangir Kabir Nanak who was allegedly known as conspirator and known as ‘Gun Powder’ following the BRTC bus scandal, was selected for negotiations to the rebellers? Is he specially qualified to deal with terrorist? His LGRD portfolio has any connection with this at all ?
3. Mr Nanak could get inside of BDR HQ so confidently when inside was a hot tub. All the soldiers were carrying the arms and firing, but those went inside without fear. They did not put on bullet proof vests/helmets.?
4. Who arranged the access to the rebellion to the media? Who propagated the rumors against officers?
5. Were the professional killer group involved in disguise of BDR dress? Some of the activities of killing, looting is heard to believe to be done by soldiers. Some even snatched watch, money bag after killing.
6. From where those civilians came and chanting for the soldiers outside the BDR gate, though later they were driven off by the police/RAB, and it was reported that some of those are in active politics locally.
7. Only 100 or so could be apprehended while fleeing, but how about those who left well before, might be in 1st night. Six thousand of them could flee when Pilkhana was cordoned my forces other than army. Army was told to go three km away.
8. Who ordered the complete black out that night and under that cover many could flee ?
9. Why the amnesty was declared so quickly without releasing the officers and their families?
10. How the troops were allowed to meet prime minister putting on red scarf on their head without belt and beret. Obviously they belong to an organised force and they were going to meet the highest authority?
11. Why they were not checked and no record were kept including their name and details ?
12. Why so much of time was given in the whole process, allowing them sufficient time to do the atrocities as well as to finish the unfinished task?
13. How many arms and ammunition which went outside the HQ?
14. Why the govt could not cordon the whole area by RAB/police to prevent the fleeing of the perpetrators?
15. What were the issues discussed with meeting with Prime Minister? Did officers’ release got any importance? We only heard about complain and silly demand which had nothing to do with officers killed.
16. Bangladesh army has fought in many countries under such situation? Why there were not allowed to plan and do their own operation? Whom we protected by referring to do any covert commando operation? What one would do in case of plane hijack?
17. Should we not find the stories how the rest dead bodies were hidden/ destroyed? The answer of these stories may onlybe known to those rebel BDR soldiers only.
18. Why commando operation even at night was not carried out? Whose life was important to save, the unarmed officers or the killers?
19. Why to have those APCs and tanks bought with costly money of the taxpayer, if those are not utilized to save the best son of the country?
20. Was there any clue from DGFI? Prime minister get a briefing every morning from DGFI and NSI? They have nothing to report? If they failed why government is not charging them now?
21. For such intelligence failure DG and NSI should have been sacked? Why government was so silent about them or they were also part of the game?
BDR tragedy - revenge for Padua and Boraibari?
From:
It is now widely believed that the barbarous mutiny at BDR HQ (Pilkhana) in Dhaka was perpetrated in revenge for the death of 19 BSF jawans killed (after they intruded on to Bangladesh territory) in the counter-attack by the BDR at Padua of Sylhet and Boraibari of Roumary on April 18, 2001. The BDR was then headed by Maj. Gen. ALM Fazlur Rahman who has since maintained that the three BDR soldiers killed in that encounter should be decorated with National Sword as Birsreshtho and should be commemorated in exactly the same way as the martyrs of 1971. This has regrettably not been done by any of the governments since the incursion by the BSF into Bangladesh in 2001 and it was surprisingly not one of the demands of the rebellious BDR soldiers in the Pilkhana mutiny of 2009.
While the mutineers were able to recall many injustices committed against them over the several decades since independence this single most glaring example just managed to escape their over-wrought attention. Revenge for Padua and Boraibari was the principal justification for the planning and execution of the mutiny but another important objective was to have Bangladesh accept a Peace Mission from India to protect the Kolkata-Dhaka Friendship train service as explained in some news reports. The real purpose for this Peace Mission would be to act as an occupying force and spark further trouble and enmity between the army and the BDR that was likely to ensue after the savage murders at Pilkhana. This would have held out the double benefit and advantage to India of furthering their agenda for securing a transit facility across the country and at the same time cripple the defence and security services of Bangladesh.
This would merely be the fulfillment of what had been planned after the 1971 war with Bangladesh having no standing army and the defence needs of the country being organized under Indian army tutelage and control as spelled out in the 7 point agreement signed by the Mujib Nagar government which had only been partly implemented after liberation. The internal law and order situation would according to this agreement be handled by a paramilitary force trained and equipped by India’s external intelligence agency RAW.
The first part of this plan was thwarted when the Indian army was forced to leave (which would probably be the same fate of this proposed Peace Mission but with more violent and disturbing consequences for India) after resentment began to grow amongst freedom fighters and the ordinary people of Bangladesh against their prolonged presence which was seen to be tantamount to being an occupying force.
The second part of the 1971 plan was suddenly disrupted after the August 15, 1975 coup when the paramilitary force called the Rakkhi Bahini was disbanded soon thereafter. The Rakkhi Bahini earned the reputation of being an undisciplined, brutal and violently vindictive force under the direct control of Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni and later Tofail Ahmed. It has now been recommended that after the mutiny at Pilkhana the BDR force should similarly be disbanded and like the Rakkhi Bahini have its members assigned to other security forces of the country.
In its place a new paramilitary organization would be established and given the name - as one senior army officer has proposed - the Bangladesh Border Force or BBF. This would be the appropriate outcome for the BDR which has by its despicable and heinous acts condemned itself to utter oblivion.
A further comparison may now be made with the situation prevailing immediately after 1971 relating to the suspicious role played by the Awami League leadership. The conduct of the AL government during the recent mutiny is increasingly coming under close and intense scrutiny especially in its failure to act in a timely fashion to counter the revolt by sending in the army directly into Pilkhana compound on the very first day of the uprising. To stall such a move the AL administration sent Sahara Khatun, Jahangir Kabir Nanak and Mirza Azam to negotiate terms with the mutineers. None of these individuals have any experience or expertise in conducting such negotiations and they carry little weight or influence within the country or party but were nevertheless chosen.
There were, however, several senior leaders in the party who were far better qualified to undertake this task but were simply not asked by the Prime Minister. It is a surprise and a miracle that after the number of civilians that were killed or injured outside the gates of Pilkhana these ‘negotiators’ (Sahara Khatun, Jahangir Kabir Nanak and Mirza Azam) managed to successfully dodge the bullets and were not automatically set upon by the rebels on their entry into the compound. Another aspect of the AL handling of the crisis that has raised objections relates to their deliberate policy of dividing the country on purely partisan lines on the issue of the rebellion.
In a time of national emergency it would be expected that the government would attempt to unite the country by calling for all-party involvement in the decision making process. Instead the AL (on the basis of accusations made in the Indian press and media) started pointing fingers at the opposition parties for complicity in the mutiny. The view has been expressed in some quarters that this self-defeating approach to the revolt was deliberate so that the army would be undermined in revenge for their role in the 1/11 takeover and also in their pursuance of corrupt politicians in the AL and their ultimate trial and prosecution during the tenure of the two year caretaker government.
This is entirely consistent with the AL’s inherent distrust of the armed forces –originally encouraged and inspired by India – which also existed during the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and became greatly intensified after the coup’s of 1975 which saw the AL pushed into the political wilderness for the next two decades. Against this inclination of the AL the people of Bangladesh will expect this government to declare the victims of the mutiny as martyrs to be honoured in the same way as the freedom fighters who lost their lives in the 1971 war but which still has not been done for the BDR soldiers who died in Padua and Boraibari while protecting the territory and borders of the country against Indian intrusion and aggression.
It is now widely believed that the barbarous mutiny at BDR HQ (Pilkhana) in Dhaka was perpetrated in revenge for the death of 19 BSF jawans killed (after they intruded on to Bangladesh territory) in the counter-attack by the BDR at Padua of Sylhet and Boraibari of Roumary on April 18, 2001. The BDR was then headed by Maj. Gen. ALM Fazlur Rahman who has since maintained that the three BDR soldiers killed in that encounter should be decorated with National Sword as Birsreshtho and should be commemorated in exactly the same way as the martyrs of 1971. This has regrettably not been done by any of the governments since the incursion by the BSF into Bangladesh in 2001 and it was surprisingly not one of the demands of the rebellious BDR soldiers in the Pilkhana mutiny of 2009.
While the mutineers were able to recall many injustices committed against them over the several decades since independence this single most glaring example just managed to escape their over-wrought attention. Revenge for Padua and Boraibari was the principal justification for the planning and execution of the mutiny but another important objective was to have Bangladesh accept a Peace Mission from India to protect the Kolkata-Dhaka Friendship train service as explained in some news reports. The real purpose for this Peace Mission would be to act as an occupying force and spark further trouble and enmity between the army and the BDR that was likely to ensue after the savage murders at Pilkhana. This would have held out the double benefit and advantage to India of furthering their agenda for securing a transit facility across the country and at the same time cripple the defence and security services of Bangladesh.
This would merely be the fulfillment of what had been planned after the 1971 war with Bangladesh having no standing army and the defence needs of the country being organized under Indian army tutelage and control as spelled out in the 7 point agreement signed by the Mujib Nagar government which had only been partly implemented after liberation. The internal law and order situation would according to this agreement be handled by a paramilitary force trained and equipped by India’s external intelligence agency RAW.
The first part of this plan was thwarted when the Indian army was forced to leave (which would probably be the same fate of this proposed Peace Mission but with more violent and disturbing consequences for India) after resentment began to grow amongst freedom fighters and the ordinary people of Bangladesh against their prolonged presence which was seen to be tantamount to being an occupying force.
The second part of the 1971 plan was suddenly disrupted after the August 15, 1975 coup when the paramilitary force called the Rakkhi Bahini was disbanded soon thereafter. The Rakkhi Bahini earned the reputation of being an undisciplined, brutal and violently vindictive force under the direct control of Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni and later Tofail Ahmed. It has now been recommended that after the mutiny at Pilkhana the BDR force should similarly be disbanded and like the Rakkhi Bahini have its members assigned to other security forces of the country.
In its place a new paramilitary organization would be established and given the name - as one senior army officer has proposed - the Bangladesh Border Force or BBF. This would be the appropriate outcome for the BDR which has by its despicable and heinous acts condemned itself to utter oblivion.
A further comparison may now be made with the situation prevailing immediately after 1971 relating to the suspicious role played by the Awami League leadership. The conduct of the AL government during the recent mutiny is increasingly coming under close and intense scrutiny especially in its failure to act in a timely fashion to counter the revolt by sending in the army directly into Pilkhana compound on the very first day of the uprising. To stall such a move the AL administration sent Sahara Khatun, Jahangir Kabir Nanak and Mirza Azam to negotiate terms with the mutineers. None of these individuals have any experience or expertise in conducting such negotiations and they carry little weight or influence within the country or party but were nevertheless chosen.
There were, however, several senior leaders in the party who were far better qualified to undertake this task but were simply not asked by the Prime Minister. It is a surprise and a miracle that after the number of civilians that were killed or injured outside the gates of Pilkhana these ‘negotiators’ (Sahara Khatun, Jahangir Kabir Nanak and Mirza Azam) managed to successfully dodge the bullets and were not automatically set upon by the rebels on their entry into the compound. Another aspect of the AL handling of the crisis that has raised objections relates to their deliberate policy of dividing the country on purely partisan lines on the issue of the rebellion.
In a time of national emergency it would be expected that the government would attempt to unite the country by calling for all-party involvement in the decision making process. Instead the AL (on the basis of accusations made in the Indian press and media) started pointing fingers at the opposition parties for complicity in the mutiny. The view has been expressed in some quarters that this self-defeating approach to the revolt was deliberate so that the army would be undermined in revenge for their role in the 1/11 takeover and also in their pursuance of corrupt politicians in the AL and their ultimate trial and prosecution during the tenure of the two year caretaker government.
This is entirely consistent with the AL’s inherent distrust of the armed forces –originally encouraged and inspired by India – which also existed during the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and became greatly intensified after the coup’s of 1975 which saw the AL pushed into the political wilderness for the next two decades. Against this inclination of the AL the people of Bangladesh will expect this government to declare the victims of the mutiny as martyrs to be honoured in the same way as the freedom fighters who lost their lives in the 1971 war but which still has not been done for the BDR soldiers who died in Padua and Boraibari while protecting the territory and borders of the country against Indian intrusion and aggression.
Sunday, March 1, 2009
ISI footprint in BDR massacre?
According to Times of India, Pakistan's ISI has links to recent massacre in BDR and BNP's Salauddin Qader Chowdhury may have been involved in the distribution of huge moneyto help the mutiny along.
Here is the story.
Here is the story.
Saturday, February 28, 2009
Indian views on Hasina's BDR Challenges
Times of India thinks Bangladesh's situation is serious and speculates about involvement of Hizb-ut-Tahrir in the whole incident. It is also hinting at some DGFI-ISI connection in BDR massacre. According to the paper, the immediate dangers for Hasina are several:
First, there will certainly be short-term instability in her fledgling government specially if a concerted effort is made to weed out the rebellious elements.
Second, there is a total collapse in the command structure in BDR, specially after it's clear that at least 12 senior commanders (including the director-general and his deputy) were killed and their bodies dumped in the sewer. But more positively, the army, under Gen Moeen Ahmed, weighed in on the side of the Hasina government.
In the past few years, the army has taken great pains to cleanse its cadres of BNP loyalists, though, after Thursday, some suspect that a few of those remain. In July 2008, an internal rebellion was crushed and subsequently, many senior officers were "purged". Brigadier Amin of the DGFI was removed. General Masood, the second-in-command in the army, was also removed. Masood is a brother-in-law of Khaleda Zia's brother, and officials are now checking to see whether some of this family connection could have been used.
Indian security agencies are looking at a Pakistan ISI angle, because of a deep closeness with the BDR and DGFI. In many ways, this was a massive intelligence failure. But given the DGFI-ISI ties, could there be a different explanation, sources here wondered.
Here is the full story.
First, there will certainly be short-term instability in her fledgling government specially if a concerted effort is made to weed out the rebellious elements.
Second, there is a total collapse in the command structure in BDR, specially after it's clear that at least 12 senior commanders (including the director-general and his deputy) were killed and their bodies dumped in the sewer. But more positively, the army, under Gen Moeen Ahmed, weighed in on the side of the Hasina government.
In the past few years, the army has taken great pains to cleanse its cadres of BNP loyalists, though, after Thursday, some suspect that a few of those remain. In July 2008, an internal rebellion was crushed and subsequently, many senior officers were "purged". Brigadier Amin of the DGFI was removed. General Masood, the second-in-command in the army, was also removed. Masood is a brother-in-law of Khaleda Zia's brother, and officials are now checking to see whether some of this family connection could have been used.
Indian security agencies are looking at a Pakistan ISI angle, because of a deep closeness with the BDR and DGFI. In many ways, this was a massive intelligence failure. But given the DGFI-ISI ties, could there be a different explanation, sources here wondered.
Here is the full story.
Special tribunal for trying BDR mutineer
Quoting Principal Staff Officer Lt General Mobin news agency UNB reported last night the government will form a special tribunal for quick trial of the mutineers and providing them exemplary punishment.
Briefing reporters at the PM’s official residence, he said, “The general amnesty announced by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina does not mean that those who have killed the officers, staged rebellion, arsons and heinous activities will be spared.”He said, “The nation will not forgive these barbaric acts faced by BDR members.”He said the enquiry committee will be properly represented by the armed forces.
General Mobin said the entire BDR command will be restructured. He urged all patriotic members of the armed forces to hold patience and play a responsible role.“The heinous and cruel incident perpetrated by some disgruntled BDR members on February 25 cast a negative impact on Bangladesh in the international arena,” the general said.
He said an evil effort was undertaken by different vested quarters “to damage our beloved motherland and the image of the patriotic armed forces”.
Briefing reporters at the PM’s official residence, he said, “The general amnesty announced by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina does not mean that those who have killed the officers, staged rebellion, arsons and heinous activities will be spared.”He said, “The nation will not forgive these barbaric acts faced by BDR members.”He said the enquiry committee will be properly represented by the armed forces.
General Mobin said the entire BDR command will be restructured. He urged all patriotic members of the armed forces to hold patience and play a responsible role.“The heinous and cruel incident perpetrated by some disgruntled BDR members on February 25 cast a negative impact on Bangladesh in the international arena,” the general said.
He said an evil effort was undertaken by different vested quarters “to damage our beloved motherland and the image of the patriotic armed forces”.
Friday, February 27, 2009
Khaleda demands inquiry to try killers of BDR massacre
According to UNB opposition leader Khaleda Zia Friday demanded trial and punishment of the killers at the BDR headquarters by identifying them through proper inquiry into each incident of killing and torture.In a statement she read out at a press briefing at her Gulshan office at about 8:15 pm, Khaleda said declaration of general amnesty for the rebels by keeping army men and their family members inside the BDR headquarters was strategically a big mistake.
“This”, she observed, “increased the number of casualties further.”She, however, said the government has already said those involved in the killings would not come under the general amnesty. The BNP chairperson said it has now become crystal clear that provocation from anti-state force was behind the incident. Khaleda said she, along with the people of the country, demand that the conspiracy behind the mutiny be unveiled.
The BNP chairperson who visited Dhaka Cantonment Military Hospital (CMH) this (Friday) afternoon to see the bodies of slain army officers and the injured said, “I have no word to express the terrible and brutal incidents described by the family members of the slain army officers and injured.”She said they told her that after the killing the dead bodies were even hit by bayonets and the women and children were tortured to death.
Khaleda said it is clear that there was a delay in giving permission to start operation to rescue the army members and their family members kept hostage in Pilkhana, resulting in increased casualties.“Everybody knows that time was wasted in the name of discussions, and responsibility was given to a very junior-level delegation,” she said.The leader of the opposition said the nation wants to know how the killers after surrendering arms following announcement of general amnesty could flee.
“I think the government should come up with specific information over these matters in the national interest,” she said.Mentioning the heroic role of the BDR in safeguarding the country’s borders, Khaleda said, “It has become urgent to reorganize this force and establish the chain of command for upholding that tradition.” She said the unrest and mistrust which have broken out across the country among various forces should be resolved soon for the sake of national interest.The BNP chief said it is not the time neither for revenge nor for vengeance as “we as a nation is now in a big trouble.”
Stressing the importance of highest alert and unity at the moment, she called upon all to maintain that. Khaleda also called upon the party leaders and workers, and the countrymen to observe the national mourning day in memory of those killed, “even though it was declared of late”.
The opposition leader saw at the CMH the bodies of the army members killed in the Pilkhana incident and talked to the family members of the deceased.She also visited the injured at the hospital. Khaleda also took part in a munajat with the family members of the slain army officers after their namaj-e-janza.
“This”, she observed, “increased the number of casualties further.”She, however, said the government has already said those involved in the killings would not come under the general amnesty. The BNP chairperson said it has now become crystal clear that provocation from anti-state force was behind the incident. Khaleda said she, along with the people of the country, demand that the conspiracy behind the mutiny be unveiled.
The BNP chairperson who visited Dhaka Cantonment Military Hospital (CMH) this (Friday) afternoon to see the bodies of slain army officers and the injured said, “I have no word to express the terrible and brutal incidents described by the family members of the slain army officers and injured.”She said they told her that after the killing the dead bodies were even hit by bayonets and the women and children were tortured to death.
Khaleda said it is clear that there was a delay in giving permission to start operation to rescue the army members and their family members kept hostage in Pilkhana, resulting in increased casualties.“Everybody knows that time was wasted in the name of discussions, and responsibility was given to a very junior-level delegation,” she said.The leader of the opposition said the nation wants to know how the killers after surrendering arms following announcement of general amnesty could flee.
“I think the government should come up with specific information over these matters in the national interest,” she said.Mentioning the heroic role of the BDR in safeguarding the country’s borders, Khaleda said, “It has become urgent to reorganize this force and establish the chain of command for upholding that tradition.” She said the unrest and mistrust which have broken out across the country among various forces should be resolved soon for the sake of national interest.The BNP chief said it is not the time neither for revenge nor for vengeance as “we as a nation is now in a big trouble.”
Stressing the importance of highest alert and unity at the moment, she called upon all to maintain that. Khaleda also called upon the party leaders and workers, and the countrymen to observe the national mourning day in memory of those killed, “even though it was declared of late”.
The opposition leader saw at the CMH the bodies of the army members killed in the Pilkhana incident and talked to the family members of the deceased.She also visited the injured at the hospital. Khaleda also took part in a munajat with the family members of the slain army officers after their namaj-e-janza.
Bangladesh military's views on BDR tragedy
Army Chief General Moeen u Ahmed has gone to PM's house. He is appraising PM about officers' general sentiment. Chiefs of two other services are also present.
All senior officers gathered today at AHQ at 3 PM and it continued till 7 PM, with a break time for attending congregation where they agitated. Sources confirmed Army Chief was grilled by agitating officers and was given 24 hours to produce a respectable solution to cool their frustrations. The audio of the grilling session was broadcast to all major cantonments.
The officers feel there is more to the story of BDR's grievances. They identified three outcome of the BDR tragedy: 1) national unity is shaken, 2) security has become fragile and 3) two powerful national institutes have become weaker. Military is also doing soul-searching but restraining themselves as they are unclear about the next phase.
All senior officers gathered today at AHQ at 3 PM and it continued till 7 PM, with a break time for attending congregation where they agitated. Sources confirmed Army Chief was grilled by agitating officers and was given 24 hours to produce a respectable solution to cool their frustrations. The audio of the grilling session was broadcast to all major cantonments.
The officers feel there is more to the story of BDR's grievances. They identified three outcome of the BDR tragedy: 1) national unity is shaken, 2) security has become fragile and 3) two powerful national institutes have become weaker. Military is also doing soul-searching but restraining themselves as they are unclear about the next phase.
BDR DG's deadbody recovered
According to UNB thirty-nine more bodies were recovered, 37 from a mass grave inside the BDR Headquarters at Peelkhana and two from a sewerage tunnel, in continuing search today (Friday), raising the death toll to 60 in the bloody mutiny by soldiers of the paramilitary border force.
Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) Director General Maj General Shakil Ahmed is among those whose bodies were pulled up from beneath the earth near the BDR hospital, official sources said.
The two others were retrieved from Ganaktuli sewerage tunnel near BDR gate No 1. “All other dead bodies are also of army officers, ranking from colonel to major,” said one official.
A police official said a joint force of the elite-force RAB and Police retrieved the bodies, as massive search went on for those still missing, and believed killed in the hara-kiri many say not seen before in the headquarters such a disciplined force. Identities of the victims could not be immediately known.
Earlier on Thursday, 16 bodies of slain BDR officials and jawans and a minor girl were recovered from the Buriganga River and from inside the BDR Headquarters. Five bodies were found shortly after the mutiny Wednesday.
Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) Director General Maj General Shakil Ahmed is among those whose bodies were pulled up from beneath the earth near the BDR hospital, official sources said.
The two others were retrieved from Ganaktuli sewerage tunnel near BDR gate No 1. “All other dead bodies are also of army officers, ranking from colonel to major,” said one official.
A police official said a joint force of the elite-force RAB and Police retrieved the bodies, as massive search went on for those still missing, and believed killed in the hara-kiri many say not seen before in the headquarters such a disciplined force. Identities of the victims could not be immediately known.
Earlier on Thursday, 16 bodies of slain BDR officials and jawans and a minor girl were recovered from the Buriganga River and from inside the BDR Headquarters. Five bodies were found shortly after the mutiny Wednesday.
Economist Intelligence Unit and Oxford Analytica on BDR tragedy
Economist Intelligence Unit
It is still unclear what exactly sparked the mutiny. The BDR's main role is to patrol the country's borders and in times of war provide support to the army. Following Bangladesh's war of independence in 1971, the BDR refused to join the ranks of the army. But its senior officer positions are usually filled by army officers on short-term secondments. BDR members' complaints about this practice, as well as their inferior pay compared with their army counterparts, have been simmering for a number of years.
However, the country's state of emergency (January 2007-December 2008) probably deterred BDR troops from taking action earlier. That the government could end the mutiny so quickly with a mere promise of amnesty raises the suspicion that the government may have promised much more. But if so, details may never be made public. Indeed, the deaths of dozens of army officers during the mutiny will guarantee that tensions between the army and the BDR will remain high.
If this is not properly managed, it could lead to a total breakdown in the country's security situation. But for now, the most important outcome of the crisis is that Bangladesh's civilian government had the full support of its coup-prone army, which only retreated from politics in December 2008.
Oxford Analytica
Given its weak institutions, Bangladesh is prone to grievances such as these taking a violent manifestation -- particularly in the present conditions of high food prices and a slowing world economy. Sheikh Hasina's success at resolving the conflict while maintaining the confidence of the army will help define the credibility
It is still unclear what exactly sparked the mutiny. The BDR's main role is to patrol the country's borders and in times of war provide support to the army. Following Bangladesh's war of independence in 1971, the BDR refused to join the ranks of the army. But its senior officer positions are usually filled by army officers on short-term secondments. BDR members' complaints about this practice, as well as their inferior pay compared with their army counterparts, have been simmering for a number of years.
However, the country's state of emergency (January 2007-December 2008) probably deterred BDR troops from taking action earlier. That the government could end the mutiny so quickly with a mere promise of amnesty raises the suspicion that the government may have promised much more. But if so, details may never be made public. Indeed, the deaths of dozens of army officers during the mutiny will guarantee that tensions between the army and the BDR will remain high.
If this is not properly managed, it could lead to a total breakdown in the country's security situation. But for now, the most important outcome of the crisis is that Bangladesh's civilian government had the full support of its coup-prone army, which only retreated from politics in December 2008.
Oxford Analytica
Given its weak institutions, Bangladesh is prone to grievances such as these taking a violent manifestation -- particularly in the present conditions of high food prices and a slowing world economy. Sheikh Hasina's success at resolving the conflict while maintaining the confidence of the army will help define the credibility
34 bodies recovered from BDR mass-grave
UNB says thirty-four more bodies were recovered from a single spot inside the BDR Headquarters at Peelkhana and one from a sewerage tunnel today (Friday), raising the death toll to 56 from the revolt by BDR jawans.
A police official said the joint force of RAB and Police recovered 34 bodies till 3 pm from beneath the soil at the BDR Headquarters and one from Ganaktuli sewerage tunnel near BDR gate No 1 at 11:30am. The identity of the victims could not be immediately known.
Earlier, on Thursday, 16 bodies of slain BDR officers and jawans and a minor girl were recovered from the Buriganga River and from inside the BDR Headquarters following the mutiny by the para-military troops.
A police official said the joint force of RAB and Police recovered 34 bodies till 3 pm from beneath the soil at the BDR Headquarters and one from Ganaktuli sewerage tunnel near BDR gate No 1 at 11:30am. The identity of the victims could not be immediately known.
Earlier, on Thursday, 16 bodies of slain BDR officers and jawans and a minor girl were recovered from the Buriganga River and from inside the BDR Headquarters following the mutiny by the para-military troops.
BDR tragedy: crisis may be just beginning?
David Montero, a correspondent of the Christian Science Monitor writes BDR revolt is a test for Bangladesh's civilian rule. Here is the story.
Bangladesh was supposed to be back on track, with a newly elected civilian government and a re-invigorated commitment to rooting out corruption and militancy. But that hope suffered a setback when military tanks rolled through the capital on Thursday, seeking to quell a mutiny that has pitted branches of the armed forces against one another and spread to 12 districts outside the capital.
The violence began on Wednesday, when members of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), a paramilitary border security force, opened fire on their commanding officers because of alleged grievances over poor pay and slow promotions.
By late Thursday, the rebelling officers, who are believed to number as many as 4,000, surrendered their arms to the police. But as police determine the true death toll from the uprising, there are fears that the mutineers may have killed more than 100 officers. If true, analysts warn, the news could unleash fresh violence, including a possible retaliation from the Army.
The crisis highlights the challenges for the newly elected government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina as she steers a fragile course back to democracy following two years of Army-backed rule. As tanks encircle the BDR headquarters and the bodies of the dead are traced, concern abounds that the stability of one of the world's largest Muslim nations could hang in the balance.
"This is a very great concern for us. It's coming at a time when the government is still new and getting settled," says Brig. Gen. Shahedul Anam Khan (ret.), a security analyst in Dhaka. For now, the scale down of the crisis is registering as a win for Sheikh Hasina and her civilian government, according to some observers.
The government "is only 50 days old. But they have surmounted a totally unprecedented crisis in a very mature manner. We believe that, because of the presence of a parliament, the situation has been dealt with much more coolly than if there were a caretaker government," says Maj. Gen. Syed Mohammed Ibrahim (ret.), who writes on security issues for local newspaper in Dhaka.
A history of coups
Violent coups have long been a feature of politics in Bangladesh, an impoverished nation of some 140 million people. The country was born of rebellion in 1971, when the Bengali-speaking people of what was then East Pakistan violently broke away from Pakistan in a bid for their own homeland. Not long afterward, in 1982, Lt. Gen. Hussain Muhammad Ershad, the Army chief of staff, seized control in a military coup and ruled until 1990, when democracy returned.
The Army stepped in again in January 2007, after months of violent street clashes between the two main political parties left dozens dead and virtually froze democracy.
Only after two years, during which the Army conducted a sweeping crackdown on corruption and cleaned up the national voting list, did Bangladesh navigate its way back to democracy.
The election of Hasina, whose Awami National Party held power between 1996 and 2001, was lauded as a welcome return to civilian government.
But that was interrupted by the rumblings within the ranks of the Bangladesh Rifles that exploded into a mutiny Wednesday.
According to local reports, junior soldiers opened fire on 168 high-ranking officers who were attending a national BDR conference before effectively seizing control of the BDR headquarters in the heart of the capital.
Analysts here say that the ranks of the BDR, which is made up of some 65,000 soldiers making only $70 a month on average, have long felt underpaid and underappreciated.
Accusations of corruption
Hours into the initial uprising, rebelling soldiers accused their commanding officers on live TV of stealing millions from food distribution programs and maltreating their subordinates.
Whether this week's developments will amount to another interruption of democracy has been a matter of intense debate in Dhaka over the past two days. "I don't think our democracy is under threat in any way. I think at this stage, [the government] has managed pretty well, resolving the issue with less violence given the initial killings," says Imitiaz Ahmed, a professor at Dhaka University.
Swift response
Mr. Ahmed highlighted the swift measures with which Hasina's government managed to negotiate a general amnesty for the rebelling soldiers in return for putting down their arms. And as of late Thursday afternoon, 20 officers were released from the BDR headquarters unharmed, suggesting that the crisis was simmering down.
But many say the crisis may be just beginning. Only eight officers' bodies have been recovered, meaning more than 100 officers are unaccounted for.
Their murder would constitute the single largest loss of Army officers in Bangladesh's history – a blow that could invite a violent backlash, analysts say. "People will be shocked. There will be psychological damage. Amnesty will not be possible," says Mr. Khan, suggesting that the amnesty granted yesterday by the prime minister would not be able to last.
As the crisis unfolds, Khan adds, the government's near-term actions will be critical. The BDR's grievances, while not easily solved, must be seriously addressed, he and others say – including better compensation and more efficient promotions.
Bangladesh was supposed to be back on track, with a newly elected civilian government and a re-invigorated commitment to rooting out corruption and militancy. But that hope suffered a setback when military tanks rolled through the capital on Thursday, seeking to quell a mutiny that has pitted branches of the armed forces against one another and spread to 12 districts outside the capital.
The violence began on Wednesday, when members of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), a paramilitary border security force, opened fire on their commanding officers because of alleged grievances over poor pay and slow promotions.
By late Thursday, the rebelling officers, who are believed to number as many as 4,000, surrendered their arms to the police. But as police determine the true death toll from the uprising, there are fears that the mutineers may have killed more than 100 officers. If true, analysts warn, the news could unleash fresh violence, including a possible retaliation from the Army.
The crisis highlights the challenges for the newly elected government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina as she steers a fragile course back to democracy following two years of Army-backed rule. As tanks encircle the BDR headquarters and the bodies of the dead are traced, concern abounds that the stability of one of the world's largest Muslim nations could hang in the balance.
"This is a very great concern for us. It's coming at a time when the government is still new and getting settled," says Brig. Gen. Shahedul Anam Khan (ret.), a security analyst in Dhaka. For now, the scale down of the crisis is registering as a win for Sheikh Hasina and her civilian government, according to some observers.
The government "is only 50 days old. But they have surmounted a totally unprecedented crisis in a very mature manner. We believe that, because of the presence of a parliament, the situation has been dealt with much more coolly than if there were a caretaker government," says Maj. Gen. Syed Mohammed Ibrahim (ret.), who writes on security issues for local newspaper in Dhaka.
A history of coups
Violent coups have long been a feature of politics in Bangladesh, an impoverished nation of some 140 million people. The country was born of rebellion in 1971, when the Bengali-speaking people of what was then East Pakistan violently broke away from Pakistan in a bid for their own homeland. Not long afterward, in 1982, Lt. Gen. Hussain Muhammad Ershad, the Army chief of staff, seized control in a military coup and ruled until 1990, when democracy returned.
The Army stepped in again in January 2007, after months of violent street clashes between the two main political parties left dozens dead and virtually froze democracy.
Only after two years, during which the Army conducted a sweeping crackdown on corruption and cleaned up the national voting list, did Bangladesh navigate its way back to democracy.
The election of Hasina, whose Awami National Party held power between 1996 and 2001, was lauded as a welcome return to civilian government.
But that was interrupted by the rumblings within the ranks of the Bangladesh Rifles that exploded into a mutiny Wednesday.
According to local reports, junior soldiers opened fire on 168 high-ranking officers who were attending a national BDR conference before effectively seizing control of the BDR headquarters in the heart of the capital.
Analysts here say that the ranks of the BDR, which is made up of some 65,000 soldiers making only $70 a month on average, have long felt underpaid and underappreciated.
Accusations of corruption
Hours into the initial uprising, rebelling soldiers accused their commanding officers on live TV of stealing millions from food distribution programs and maltreating their subordinates.
Whether this week's developments will amount to another interruption of democracy has been a matter of intense debate in Dhaka over the past two days. "I don't think our democracy is under threat in any way. I think at this stage, [the government] has managed pretty well, resolving the issue with less violence given the initial killings," says Imitiaz Ahmed, a professor at Dhaka University.
Swift response
Mr. Ahmed highlighted the swift measures with which Hasina's government managed to negotiate a general amnesty for the rebelling soldiers in return for putting down their arms. And as of late Thursday afternoon, 20 officers were released from the BDR headquarters unharmed, suggesting that the crisis was simmering down.
But many say the crisis may be just beginning. Only eight officers' bodies have been recovered, meaning more than 100 officers are unaccounted for.
Their murder would constitute the single largest loss of Army officers in Bangladesh's history – a blow that could invite a violent backlash, analysts say. "People will be shocked. There will be psychological damage. Amnesty will not be possible," says Mr. Khan, suggesting that the amnesty granted yesterday by the prime minister would not be able to last.
As the crisis unfolds, Khan adds, the government's near-term actions will be critical. The BDR's grievances, while not easily solved, must be seriously addressed, he and others say – including better compensation and more efficient promotions.
General Moeen enters BDR Headquaters
Army Chief General Moeen U Ahmed has entered BDR HQ to monitor search operation some 40 minutes ago. According to UNB army tanks and convoys rolled into troubled headquarters of paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) reportedly to conduct search of missing or dead army officers following the two days' revolt by BDR soldiers.
Armed Police Battalion took over the charge of the fallen headquarters after rebel BDR soldiers surrendered their arms at the call of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Thursday afternoon. Witnesses said eight tanks entered the headquarters at around 11am and later more armoured vehicles with army personnel proceeded towards the headquarters.
The tanks were stationed yesterday near Abahani playground. "Don’t worry, no problem,:" an official of the Prime Minister's press wing told UNB when asked if the tanks entered with the permission of the government.
Home Minister Sahara Khatun and State Minister for LGRD Jahangir Kabir Nanak were inside the headquarters. During the rebellion, BDR chief Maj Gen Shakil Ahmed and dozens of mid-ranking officers were killed.
Armed Police Battalion took over the charge of the fallen headquarters after rebel BDR soldiers surrendered their arms at the call of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Thursday afternoon. Witnesses said eight tanks entered the headquarters at around 11am and later more armoured vehicles with army personnel proceeded towards the headquarters.
The tanks were stationed yesterday near Abahani playground. "Don’t worry, no problem,:" an official of the Prime Minister's press wing told UNB when asked if the tanks entered with the permission of the government.
Home Minister Sahara Khatun and State Minister for LGRD Jahangir Kabir Nanak were inside the headquarters. During the rebellion, BDR chief Maj Gen Shakil Ahmed and dozens of mid-ranking officers were killed.
Thursday, February 26, 2009
Khaleda smells conspiracy behind BDR mutiny
According to UNB BNP Chairperson and Leader of the Opposition in Parliament Khaleda Zia Thursday demanded the government find out whether there was any deep conspiracy behind the unexpected incidents at the BDR Headquarters to weaken Bangladesh and damage various national institutions.
She also offered the government her party’s all-out cooperation in overcoming the present critical situation in the interest of the country.
Begum Zia said cooperation of all, irrespective of opinions and parties by rising above narrow partisan interest, is necessary in the national interest. “We’re ready to extend all kinds of cooperation in the country’s greater interest,” she said.
The BNP chairperson said this while reading out a statement at a press briefing at her Gulshan office around 9:15 pm on the incidents at the BDR Headquarters.She said the incidents have caused irreparable losses to the country and its defence and security systems.Khaleda made a clarion call to the countrymen and the all disciplined forces to remain calm, united and vigilant at this critical moment to protect the country’s independence and sovereignty and national interest.
Mentioning that she has been observing with sorrow and worry over the last two days the incidents at the BDR Headquarters, Begum Zia said the number of causalities known so far is really terrible. “Such incident of killings of so many officers and members of the disciplined forces at a time had never happened in the past in Bangladesh history,” the leader of the opposition observed.
Khaleda urged the government to immediately inform people and their relatives about the fate of those still missing, saying that the relatives of the missing persons are in deep worry.
Expressing her deep shock for the incidents, the BNP chief prayed for peace for the departed souls and conveyed sympathy to the bereaved family members.She also conveyed her sympathy to those injured and prayed for their early recovery.
She also offered the government her party’s all-out cooperation in overcoming the present critical situation in the interest of the country.
Begum Zia said cooperation of all, irrespective of opinions and parties by rising above narrow partisan interest, is necessary in the national interest. “We’re ready to extend all kinds of cooperation in the country’s greater interest,” she said.
The BNP chairperson said this while reading out a statement at a press briefing at her Gulshan office around 9:15 pm on the incidents at the BDR Headquarters.She said the incidents have caused irreparable losses to the country and its defence and security systems.Khaleda made a clarion call to the countrymen and the all disciplined forces to remain calm, united and vigilant at this critical moment to protect the country’s independence and sovereignty and national interest.
Mentioning that she has been observing with sorrow and worry over the last two days the incidents at the BDR Headquarters, Begum Zia said the number of causalities known so far is really terrible. “Such incident of killings of so many officers and members of the disciplined forces at a time had never happened in the past in Bangladesh history,” the leader of the opposition observed.
Khaleda urged the government to immediately inform people and their relatives about the fate of those still missing, saying that the relatives of the missing persons are in deep worry.
Expressing her deep shock for the incidents, the BNP chief prayed for peace for the departed souls and conveyed sympathy to the bereaved family members.She also conveyed her sympathy to those injured and prayed for their early recovery.
Fleeing BDR rebels captured
According to UNB some 90 mutinous members of BDR were arrested by the elite-force RAB in Nawabganj area near their headquarters after their revolt came to an end through arms surrender late Thursday afternoon.
Sources said RAB personnel arrested the rebels while deserting the troubled BDR headquarters, where an unspecified number of officers and jawans were killed and injured.
The arrested persons were taken to Mirpur Shaheed Suhrawardy Indoor Stadium.
The desertion started as army troops with tanks and armored vehicles kept zeroing in on Peelkhana after the 2pm deadline for the mutineers to lay down arms was over.
Sources said RAB personnel arrested the rebels while deserting the troubled BDR headquarters, where an unspecified number of officers and jawans were killed and injured.
The arrested persons were taken to Mirpur Shaheed Suhrawardy Indoor Stadium.
The desertion started as army troops with tanks and armored vehicles kept zeroing in on Peelkhana after the 2pm deadline for the mutineers to lay down arms was over.
BDR crises is over! Update
Arms surrendering have ended and troops are returning to barracks. Armed Police Battalion is now in charge of armory.
Some MPs are now discussing with troops inside Darbar Hall.
27 officers ranging from Lt Col and Major have been freed so far.
23 mutinous BDR men held on flight from HQ
BDR jawans deserts 24 border outposts in Chuadanga, Meherpur and Jhenidah districts
20-25 military armored vehicles and 14 tanks of the 9th Division, Savar, is still stationed around Dhanmondi 15 road.
Some MPs are now discussing with troops inside Darbar Hall.
27 officers ranging from Lt Col and Major have been freed so far.
23 mutinous BDR men held on flight from HQ
BDR jawans deserts 24 border outposts in Chuadanga, Meherpur and Jhenidah districts
20-25 military armored vehicles and 14 tanks of the 9th Division, Savar, is still stationed around Dhanmondi 15 road.
Why tanks are rolling towards BDR HQ?
When it was thought things are heading for a peaceful solution, suddenly army tanks have started rolling toward BDR HQ, now stationed near Dhanmondi 27 road.
Who is trying to sabotage?
Who is trying to sabotage?
BDR tragedy: how many officers killed?
A total of 168 military officers were present in BDR Darbar Hall yesterday. Around 15-20 could escape. Rest are liquidated, according to sources.
BDR inviting emergency!
It is learnt emergency is likely to be proclaimed soon.
Military officers are desetring BDR camps across the country.
Wholesale crackdown on BDR after emergency is proclaimed, it is learnt.
Military officers are desetring BDR camps across the country.
Wholesale crackdown on BDR after emergency is proclaimed, it is learnt.
BDR trouble spreads
Trouble reported in Rajshahi and UNB says it is spreading across the country.
According to UNB army personnel surrounded the BDR Training Camp in Satkania on Thursday morning.
Local sources said a number of soldiers from Bandarban reached at the training camp and surrounded it at about 9:30 am.
They also put barricade on the nearby roads, disrupting transport movement.BDR personnel from inside the camp are reportedly seeking help from the local people over telephone.
According to UNB army personnel surrounded the BDR Training Camp in Satkania on Thursday morning.
Local sources said a number of soldiers from Bandarban reached at the training camp and surrounded it at about 9:30 am.
They also put barricade on the nearby roads, disrupting transport movement.BDR personnel from inside the camp are reportedly seeking help from the local people over telephone.
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